I Ordered Some Old Badges

From the redoubtable Communist Party of Australia, which is not to be confused with the other Communist Party of Australia, which was dissolved in 1991. Today’s CPA is actually a rebranded Socialist Party of Australia, and they publish a newspaper called the Guardian — again, not to be confused with the other Guardian newspaper. It’s worth a look if you’re up for a spot of hard left news and views.

If I recall correctly my uncle was involved in the original SPA before his divorce and subsequent descent into his current acrimonious, Blackshirted, hardline racist reactionary self. What a strange man he is. My uncle destroys every Christmas he attends, but yet when he’s not present we don’t have anything to say.

I advise you to turn your mind from my family affairs and cast your eyes across these beauties:


What a haul!

What you have there are some old SPA land rights and gulf war buttons from the early 90s, along with three lovely late-era Soviet antiwar badges. I feel I am now a collector of badges. The Communist Party of Australia shipped these promptly and packaged them with great care in a copy of the Guardian.

Only tangentially related: I had an (extremely glamorous) photoshoot for my LinkedIn profile today, and my outfit featured a ‘cheeky’ Soviet peace dove.


Will The Fair Dinkum Aussie Please Stand Up?


Those familiar with right wing columnists would be well used to the types of defences they mount when one of their own is taken to task on race issues, and this Josh Manuatu article in the Spectator has little to distinguish itself. But I was struck by one passage, and I’ve been meditating on it:

“I am very supportive of Australia being open and accepting of immigrants to our nation, if it is done in an orderly way that ensures that immigrants understand our way of life and, importantly, our values.” – Josh Manuatu, The Spectator

It’s always struck me as curious that people expect immigrants to be subject not only to Australia’s laws, but also to our ‘ways of life’ and ‘values’. On the face of it, reasonable enough requests, but these seem such vague and tender notions, and I always wonder what exactly they mean. How do Australia’s values differ from those of other nations? Is there truly a set of Australian characteristics that constitutes an Australian identity?

It seems natural that when thoughts turn to ideas of Australianness, those burnished cultural idols are brought out – the likes of Barnsey and Boony; Bob Hawke and Ned Kelly; those parched Aussies with their strong accents, those sunburnt barbecue drunks. If there’s a common thread in all this, you might observe that the figures of Australian folklore are iconoclasts, outsiders, challengers to the existing order. You might also find it notable that Australia’s celebrated national heroes were almost universally white men.

VB man

You can get it being a white fella

When John Howard dismissed the ‘black arm band’ view of history, he reassured white voters that the once conventional narrative of Australia was complete and correct. It reassured us that the foundational myths of Australian national identity still held. It was okay to believe that British colonisation of this country was largely of a benign nature, and that Australia was by and large the product of the honest, enterprising spirit of the early white settlers.

Howard’s argument against the black arm band warned that revisiting our founding narratives by acknowledging injustices against Indigenous people was by and large a bad thing, a moral hazard. Howard’s long fight against land rights was couched in similar terms: the dangers of waste and welfare dependency justified continued white control. His Intervention borrowed from the rationale of the British colonial state, and his refusal to apologise to Stolen Generations followed its obstinate legal logic.

While Howard’s politics have a clear lineage, it is said they harkened back to a cultural memory of white suburban Australia that never truly existed – a supplanted memory. This imaginary cultural moment might have borne some resemblance to Howard’s own childhood and that of some Australians, but these national mythologies by their very nature require outsiders and insiders.

Conceptions of national character have long been a staging ground for mythmaking, for ideological engineering, and for excluding and including certain groups. We should remember that our political class have a long and fond history of harnessing nationalist sentiment and outright racism.

If decades of culture wars have taught us anything, it’s that matters of Australian identity are still very much open to debate. In this context, it’s hard to ignore the reemergence of Pauline Hanson, a woman whose identity borrows something from Australia’s iconoclastic and brash character, and whose politics draw from its deep well of anxieties. If you asked most Australians about our shared values, they might be more inclined to mention inclusivity, equity and fairness, and reject Hanson’s values outright. But figures like Howard and Abbott show us that these sentiments can be given a far more mainstream voice.

It’s clear from Hanson’s resurgence many white Australians continue to reject multiculturalism, in practice if not in principle. Perhaps it’s worth acknowledging that other seemingly intrinsic Australian characteristic, the tendency to regard outsiders with suspicion or distrust, to turn our back on Indigenous Australia, to turn the boats back, and to excise refugees from our borders.

I downloaded a video game

By this point news may have reached you that I have indeed downloaded Pokēmon Go. Well I have to say it’s great to see augmented reality games really getting off the mark this year. The game is so much fun, and it was wonderful to observe packs of gamers roaming my suburb of Thornbury last night in the hope of snaring loveable critters like this:


Pictured: a Wigglytuff

You can imagine my surprise when I was out catching Pokēmon yesterday and my candidate called me to discuss Important Party Business, after which she put on her preteen son who had another important matter to discuss: “have you got Pokēmon Go?” It’s kind of you to ask, Patrick, and yes, I do.

Edit: I keep finding Doduos and it’s driving me up the wall. I require some rare and powerful pokēmangs, not this endless turkey shoot of two-headed bin chickens.

Faruqi: the Greens’ prospects in the Lower House

After the 2016 Federal Election, many of us find ourselves flapping around in the flotsam without even a clear electoral outcome to grab hold of. And while the Coalition cling to a razor-thin majority in the lower house, conservatives have been lashing the prime minister and threatening mutiny over the party’s electoral performance. The ALP might be tempted to celebrate, but in truth they achieved their second lowest primary vote in history, and face a changing electoral landscape, especially in inner Melbourne, where the Greens achieved big swings in several seats.

green march

Despite those swings, and although the decline in major party votes is welcome, the Greens failed to secure extra seats in the lower house, and in fact have lost one in the senate. Despite heavy resistance from pokies lobbyists who spent millions trying to talk voters out of it, the Xenophon team were one of the few clear winners this election, along with the Trumpesque alternative Right, and fans of Derryn Hinch.

Here I’ll digress. It stands to reason that voices within the broader Green movement are calling for a frank assessment of our strategy from here on in. Osman Faruqi is a former Greens staffer and online rapscallion whose Guardian columns might occasionally blur the lines of parody, but on this topic he’s fairly frank and not entirely off the mark. He is however somewhat Sydney-centric in his assessment of the Greens’ electoral chances. Lower house seats in inner Melbourne show a very clear long-term trend towards the Greens, the result of a lot of hard work here in Victoria over some decades.

Still, worth a gander imo:

Without some serious soul searching, the Greens will never move beyond the 10% plateau, by Osman Faruqi

Batchelor Chow – UPDATED

So former state Labor MP Peter Batchelor just threatened one of our volunteers and tore down our election signage, a somewhat unsubtle campaigning tactic that is also an offence under electoral law.

Screen Shot 2016-07-12 at 8.17.30 pm
Hooley dooley.

The whole fiasco ended up on The Age
, although they glossed over his aggressive and threatening behaviour to our poor volunteer, who was shaken up and in tears when we arrived.

Batchelor is an intriguing figure from the Victorian ALP Right who has form with dodgy election tactics, having produced and distributed  phoney how-to-vote cards purporting to be from the Nuclear Disarmament Party, back in the 1980s.


Similar activities over in Melbourne Ports have landed some other Key ALP Blokes in trouble with the 5-0 today. Apparently on election eve, senior ALP men all around Melbourne were forming up into what can only be described as clandestine vandal squads. These Raiders of the Lost Booth included David Asmar, a notorious Darebin ALP figure and branch stacker who somehow escaped the Royal Commission for his role in the Health Services Union scandal; and Andrew Landeryou, a Latham-lite blogger and Bill Shorten confidante who as I type has fallen off his hinges completely and is carrying on like a pork chop over on Twitter.

Vandalising and ripping down election signage is a continuing theme, but they also engaged in some motorised intimidation antics that bear an eerie reminiscence to The Cars That Ate Paris. Asmar, Landeryou and the other two thugs were closely involved in the campaign of the singularly noxious (imo) Michael Danby MP, who looks like he might just scrape through in Ports.

I’ve yet to hold forth on the Victorian ALP Right on this sadly neglected blog. I fully intend to do so, but in brief — and at the risk of tipping my partisan hand — the Old Boys of the ALP Right have Got to Go.

Shorten’s childcare blooper

Shorten has defended his comments on childcare but he’s still looking silly in the media for making what is really quite a simple point.

Alongside wage disparity, women face the lingering expectation that they will perform free domestic labour. And if they do go back to paid work, they disproportionately bear the economic burden of childcare. It is the single biggest barrier for most women returning to work.

It’s why I think a properly subsidised childcare system is one of the most tangible ways we can address structural gender inequality in our society.